Following brazen diplomatic arm-twisting, Haitian President René Préval and
his Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) have caved in to U.S.-instigated
pressure to change the Nov. 28 presidential election results.

They are not formally adopting the Organization of American States’ (OAS)
demand that the CEP change its results so that the front-runner, former
first lady Mirlande Manigat, faces pro-coup konpa musician Michel “Sweet
Micky” Martelly in a presidential run-off rather than Jude Célestin of
Préval’s Unity party. Instead, Unity decided to withdraw Célestin’s
candidacy after a late night closed-door meeting on Jan. 25. The party’s
leadership had been split about the move.

This past week, US, UN, and OAS officials made many statements threatening
Préval’s government with dire consequences if it did not follow their
dictates.

“Having officially received the report of the OAS technical mission, the CEP
must now honor its commitment to fully take into account the report’s
recommendations,” UN Under-Secretary General Alain Le Roy said last week,
meaning the CEP must follow the OAS “recommendations.”

“Should the CEP decide otherwise,” he continued, “Haiti may well be faced
with a constitutional crisis, with the possibility of considerable unrest
and insecurity. At this critical juncture, it is vital that the CEP be
allowed to carry out its work without political interference,” not counting
his own, of course.

The climax came on Jan. 24 when US, French, Brazilian, Spanish, and European
Union ambassadors and embassy officials, along with UN Mission to Stabilize
Haiti (MINUSTAH) chief Edmond Mulet, bypassed Préval and directly delivered
an ultimatum to the CEP to announce “definitive results” by Feb. 2 or they
would cut off reconstruction aid and not recognize Préval’s government after
Feb. 7, the constitutionally set limit on Préval’s term. But before it
expired last year, the Unity-dominated Parliament passed a measure extending
Préval’s mandate to May 14, five years after he was sworn in belatedly due
to delays caused by the 2004 coup d’état.

Over the weekend, the US government also yanked the travel visas of 12
Préval associates as well as current and former government officials: Social
Affairs Minister Gérald Germain, former Interior and Health Minister Jean
Joseph Moliere, former Commerce and Industry Minister Jean Francois
Chamblain, former Finance Minister Fred Joseph, West Department Senator John
Joel Joseph, businessman Dimitri Vorbe, Presidential spokesman Assad Volcy,
popular organization liaison René Momplaisir, and Lionel Calixte.

“Washington and its carefully selected allies are telling Haiti what the
results of their election should be,” said Mark Weisbrot, co-director of the
Washington-based Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) in a Jan. 23
Sun Sentinel op-ed. “Of course, the election was illegitimate to begin with
because the country’s most popular political party, Fanmi Lavalas, was
excluded from appearing on the ballot. Mostly as a result of this exclusion,
only about a quarter of Haiti’s voters went to the polls… [The US and
allies']Great Fear is that if the election were to re-run – as it obviously
should be – this arbitrary exclusion… might be called into question.”

At the same time, Washington has been working to stop Aristide’s return from
exile in South Africa. “Haiti needs to focus on its future, not its past,”
tweeted State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley.

But the South African Times reported this week that the South African
“government has been negotiating with Haitian authorities, with the help of
the Cuban government, since last year for Aristide’s departure” from exile.
“But his return has been delayed by US concerns that the former Catholic
priest would destabilize the country,” that is, his own, Haiti.

But the popular calls for Aristide’s return have only multiplied since
former Haitian “President-for-Life” Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier
unexpectedly arrived in Haiti on Jan.16. The California-based Haiti Action
Committee put a full-page ad in the Jan. 23 Miami Herald, calling “on the
Haitian government to immediately renew President Aristide’s passport as he
has requested, and to facilitate his return, without any conditions, to the
country of his birth” as well as “on the international authorities,
particularly the United Nations and the United States government, to end
their opposition to President Aristide’s return.” The ad was signed by
dozens of activists, lawyers, journalists, religious figures, artists,
scholars, and celebrities, including actors Harry Belafonte and Danny
Glover, authors Randall Robinson and Eduardo Galeano, filmmaker Oliver
Stone, former U.S. attorney general Ramsey Clark, Dr. Paul Farmer, Bishop
Thomas Gumbleton, and the Reverend Jesse Jackson.

Meanwhile, on Jan. 21, Duvalier finally held his long awaited press
conference. Saying he had landed at the “Francois Duvalier International
Airport,” as the Toussaint L’Ouverture International Airport had been called
prior to his 1986 departure in the face of a nationwide uprising, Baby Doc
said he had returned “to pay homage to the numerous victims of the
devastating earthquake of January 12, 2010″ and was prepared for “all sorts
of persecution” and “harassment.”

While he offered “condolences to my millions of partisans” who he claimed
were persecuted, brutalized and killed after his departure, he expressed no
apology but only “deep sadness to my compatriots who recognize, rightly,
that they were victims under my Government,” not “of” his government.

Duvalier may find that his “sadness” increases as four former political
prisoners – Michele Montas, Alix Fils-Aimé, Nicole Magloire and Claude
Rosier – filed charges against him on Jan. 19 for “arbitrary imprisonment,
exile, destruction of property, physical and psychological torture, and
violation of civil and political rights,” said their complaint.

This past week, it also came to light that Duvalier may have returned to
Haiti in an effort to get his hands on some $7.6 million that Swiss
authorities have withheld from him. It is due to be returned to the Haitian
government, but under a Swiss law that takes effect on February 1, Duvalier
can reclaim the money if he manages to enter Haiti and leave again without
being prosecuted and convicted of embezzlement.

Even more alarmingly, after Duvalier’s press conference three North
Americans – former Georgia congressman Bob Barr, longtime Duvalier family
adviser and lawyer Ed Marger and lawyer Mike Puglise – took questions from
reporters.

“Marger, who handled most of the queries, said they were there to help
Duvalier collect undelivered reconstruction funds promised by the United
States and other countries at the March 31, 2010, U.N. donors’ conference,”
reported Jonathan Katz of the AP. “He said Duvalier could manage them more
effectively than former U.S. President Bill Clinton and distribute them more
justly than current Haitian President René Préval.”

So Duvalier is not satisfied with the $800 million that he and his cronies
embezzled in the 1980s. He has come back to Haiti to see if he – with Barr &
Company’s help – can make off with some of the $10 billion that other
nations have promised for Haiti’s reconstruction.

Sourced from: Google User’s shared items in Google Reader

Related articles

• Haiti president: Duvalier should face justice (msnbc.msn.com)
• Pressure mounts over Haiti vote (bbc.co.uk)

By: Wadner Pierre – HaitiAnalysis

It was 7:00 am on the 18th of June. Mourners filled the cathedral of Port-Au-Prince to honor the late priest, Gerard Jean-Juste. Most likely, none foresaw that the UN would bring its violent campaign against the Lavalas movement to the cathedral just after the service ended.

A contingent of UN troops arrived outside the church to arrest one of the mourners. As they sped away with their suspect, one of troops shot into the crowd. A man known as Kenel Pascal, of Delmas, was killed. The incident was captured on film.

Jean-Juste was an outspoken critic of the UN presence in Haiti and a prominent supporter of Jean Bertrand Aristide, whose democratic government was ousted in a coup of February 2004. Under the UN backed dictatorship of Gerard Latortue, Jean-Juste became Haiti’s most famous political prisoner.

More than 20 priests along with Bishop Andre Pierre and the Archbishop of Port-Au-Prince, Monsignor Joseph Serge Miot were in attendance. Bishop Andre Pierre spoke glowing of Gerard Jean-Juste at the funeral. However, many of the mourners recalled Jean-Juste’s stormy relationship with the church hierarchy in Haiti. While an international campaign, assisted by Amnesty International, was underway to release Jean-Juste from prison, the Catholic Church opted to deal Jean-Juste another blow by suspending him from church as punishment for his political activism.

People were at the service from all over the world – France, Canada, United States, and various Caribbean countries. Key leaders of the Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas party were there – Marise Narcisse, Rene Civil, Annette Auguste (Son An). Mario Joseph, a human rights lawyer who has worked tirelessly on behalf of Haiti’s political prisoners was also there. Also present were members of Veye Yo, a Miami-based group founded by Jean-Juste during the 1970s to defend the rights of Haitian immigrants.

After the shooting, some of the mourners held President Rene Preval directly responsible. He was carried to the presidency in 2006 by Aristide supporters. With Jean-Juste in prison at the time (therefore legally barred from running) Rene Preval, a former Aristide protégé, was by far the most attractive candidate to the Lavalas movement, especially after Gerard Jean-Juste endorsed him. Preval was untainted by any role in the 2004 coup and had always been publicly loyal to Aristide. However, Preval’s elite friendly economic policies and failure to secure Aristide’s return to Haiti have alienated him from the Lavalas movement.

In Cavaillon, Jean-Juste’s hometown, banners paying tribute to “Father Gerry” were everywhere. “You’re struggle will continue” read many of them. One the streets, and at the church where Jean-Juste was ordained, people spoke of the “great man” who devoted his life to the poor.

The troops who stormed the funeral have given Haitians yet another reason to remember Father Gerard Jean-Juste, and another way to contrast his kindness with the UN’s brutality.

by Kevin Pina

Without question, the Lavalas political movement opposed the neo-liberal economic model of development that is unfolding in Haiti today. Lavalas militants and spokespersons called International Monetary Fund, World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank dictated structural adjustment the “death plan.” It included eliminating tariffs, selling off State-owned enterprises, keeping the minimum wage low, and relying on the private sector as the motor for economic development.

The major obstacle to the plan of the international financial institutions (IFIs) for Haiti was democracy itself. It took the form of the Lavalas movement, representing the poor majority’s interests, and the president they twice elected, Jean Bertrand Aristide. His government refused to privatize key industries like TELECO, the state telephone company, and EDH, the electricity company. While the IFIs insisted that social programs be cut, Aristide’s government took profits from these State-owned companies to invest in a universal literacy program and to provide millions of subsidized meals for the poor. For the first time in history, Haiti had the beginnings of a safety net in place to insure against widespread hunger and malnutrition. Over the objections of the IFIs and Haiti’s predatory economic elite, the minimum wage for the lowest paid work force in the hemisphere was doubled twice during Aristide’s first and second terms. Not so coincidentally, both of Aristide’s terms were cut short by coups.

This challenge to the IFI program was a major factor in the Feb. 2004 coup that not only ousted the democratically elected president but also drove out more than 7,400 elected officials from municipal and parliamentary posts throughout Haiti. It was an attempt to destroy the movement of Haiti’s poor majority and their right through elections to establish their own priorities for economic development based on the pillars of national sovereignty and social justice. The Bush administration and the Republican Party backed Haiti’s elite in overthrowing the constitutional government and orchestrating the “transition.”

Far from the “popular rebellion” concocted by the corporate media’s well-paid reporters, Haitian democracy’s overthrow in 2004 was a violent affair perpetrated by former military and death-squad commanders on a killing spree. The wealthy elite’s paid minions took to the streets to give the illusion of a “popular rebellion” but they could not take down the government, so the vile dogs of war were unleashed after being nurtured in the neighboring Dominican Republic. Not unlike recent events in Honduras, this coordinated campaign resulted in a president being taken from his home against his will under the cloak of darkness and forced onto a plane as the killing began in earnest to insure the success of the plotters.

The two years following the 2004 coup in Haiti would make the intentions of the Organization of American States, the United Nations and the so-called “international community” clear as glass. They all gave their blessings to the US-installed regime that took power even as it unleashed an unprecedented campaign of summary executions, the gunning down unarmed protesters, and arbitrary arrests. All of this was done in the name of “restoring democracy.” It was a period of gross human rights violations committed under UN aegis that remains successfully cloaked and obscured to this day.

Faced with thousands killed, jailed and forced into exile, the Lavalas movement elected René Préval their new president in 2006. People hoped he would stop the repression, free the political prisoners, and allow Aristide to return to Haiti. What they could not know was that he had already signed onto the cynical project to destroy the poor’s popular movement as preparation for bringing Haiti back into the camp of neo-liberal economic development and the “death plan” they had fought so hard against.

Despite more than $4 billion of international assistance since the 2004 coup, life has only become worse for most Haitians as the predatory elite squeezes as much profit as they can out of a desperate population. With little business investment to speak of, this elite has used their monopoly on the importation of food staples to steal away the more than $1.5 billion in remittances sent annually by thousands of families and friends to their loved ones in Haiti in an effort to keep them alive. These monopolists kept filling their pockets even as protests broke out against the growing misery and hunger in April 2008.

Throughout, the Lavalas movement and the poor kept demonstrating against the coup, demanding justice and that Aristide be allowed to return to Haiti. Their leaders were disappeared as in the case of Lovinsky Pierre-Antoine on August 12, 2007, forced to rot away in prison like the still-imprisoned Ronald Dauphin, or eventually succumbed to the ravages of harsh treatment as happened to Father Gérard Jean-Juste on May 27, 2009. Still others were courted by Préval and offered well-paid positions of authority within his government if they would turn their backs on their own history and the Lavalas movement.

Then came the much-delayed senatorial elections in April and June 2009, where the final blow was to be delivered to Lavalas. The Fanmi Lavalas party was excluded from participating on a cooked-up technicality. But the Lavalas waged a massively successful boycott of both rounds of the elections, a clear and collective rebuff of Préval and the international community.

Kill, imprison, exile, divide, exclude, and buy-off as many as you can: this became the strategy to destroy Lavalas and pave the way for Haiti’s re-emergence as a neo-liberal success story in the Caribbean. Still, Haiti’s poor majority are a resilient and hopeful force. They hoped that the election of Barack Obama, the first US president with African blood coursing through his veins, would change the trajectory of US-foreign policy in Haiti since 2004. It did not. They hoped that Hillary Clinton’s appointment as Secretary of State would make a difference until she visited the sweatshop of coup-backer Andy Apaid to tout the neo-liberal model in June. They hoped that Bill Clinton’s appointment as UN Special Envoy to Haiti would signal a change, but he ignored their pleas at every turn during his two brief visits over the last two months. Instead he spoke of coordinating NGO aid in preparation for instituting the new “death plan” as postulated by UN economic advisor Paul Collier, which is really the same old neo-liberal “death plan” first rolled out under Reagan’s Caribbean Basin Initiative in the 1980s.

The IFIs announced in late June that they had forgiven $1.2 billion of Haiti’s debt, most of which was racked up by former US-sponsored dictatorships.

Finally, last week, the Haitian parliament voted in closed session to double the minimum wage to a whopping $3.75 a day or about $0.46 per hour for an 8-hour day. Haiti still has the cheapest labor in the hemisphere off which US manufacturers and their Haitian elite partners can still turn a handsome profit.

This past weekend in Miami Beach we saw Haiti’s former mistress of the NGO sector and current Prime Minister, Michele Duvivier Pierre-Louis, take the stage with Bill Clinton to formally announce that the new-old “death plan” has given birth to renewed hope in Haiti. The corpses have been buried and the blood has been washed away so now Haiti can turn the page on the Lavalas movement and those upstarts in the poor majority who had the audacity to think that elections meant they could choose an alternative. Still, this struggle for Haiti’s future is not over, not by a long shot.

It’s only fitting to give Aristide, who remains in exile in South Africa, a few words here. “Pep pa achte libete ak demokrasi nan mache,” he once said. “The people do not buy liberty and democracy at the market.” Some feel that anything is possible with Democrats controlling the White House and Congress. They succeeded on a platform of “Change we can believe in.” The lesson for the world’s poor remains the same: when it comes to the Democratic Party, don’t confuse hope with change, especially if $3.75 is all you’re going to be paid for an 8-hour day.

By: Wadner Pierre – HaitiAnalysis

It was 7:00 am on the 18th of June. Mourners filled the cathedral of Port-Au-Prince to honor the late priest, Gerard Jean-Juste. Most likely, none foresaw that the UN would bring its violent campaign against the Lavalas movement to the cathedral just after the service ended.

A contingent of UN troops arrived outside the church to arrest one of the mourners. As they sped away with their suspect, one of troops shot into the crowd. A man known as Kenel Pascal, of Delmas, was killed. The incident was captured on film.

Jean-Juste was an outspoken critic of the UN presence in Haiti and a prominent supporter of Jean Bertrand Aristide, whose democratic government was ousted in a coup of February 2004. Under the UN backed dictatorship of Gerard Latortue, Jean-Juste became Haiti’s most famous political prisoner.

More than 20 priests along with Bishop Andre Pierre and the Archbishop of Port-Au-Prince, Monsignor Joseph Serge Miot were in attendance. Bishop Andre Pierre spoke glowing of Gerard Jean-Juste at the funeral. However, many of the mourners recalled Jean-Juste’s stormy relationship with the church hierarchy in Haiti. While an international campaign, assisted by Amnesty International, was underway to release Jean-Juste from prison, the Catholic Church opted to deal Jean-Juste another blow by suspending him from church as punishment for his political activism.

People were at the service from all over the world – France, Canada, United States, and various Caribbean countries. Key leaders of the Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas party were there – Marise Narcisse, Rene Civil, Annette Auguste (Son An). Mario Joseph, a human rights lawyer who has worked tirelessly on behalf of Haiti’s political prisoners was also there. Also present were members of Veye Yo, a Miami-based group founded by Jean-Juste during the 1970s to defend the rights of Haitian immigrants.

After the shooting, some of the mourners held President Rene Preval directly responsible. He was carried to the presidency in 2006 by Aristide supporters. With Jean-Juste in prison at the time (therefore legally barred from running) Rene Preval, a former Aristide protégé, was by far the most attractive candidate to the Lavalas movement, especially after Gerard Jean-Juste endorsed him. Preval was untainted by any role in the 2004 coup and had always been publicly loyal to Aristide. However, Preval’s elite friendly economic policies and failure to secure Aristide’s return to Haiti have alienated him from the Lavalas movement.

In Cavaillon, Jean-Juste’s hometown, banners paying tribute to “Father Gerry” were everywhere. “You’re struggle will continue” read many of them. One the streets, and at the church where Jean-Juste was ordained, people spoke of the “great man” who devoted his life to the poor.

The troops who stormed the funeral have given Haitians yet another reason to remember Father Gerard Jean-Juste, and another way to contrast his kindness with the UN’s brutality.

By: Kim Ives – Haiti Liberte

Thousands of demonstrators marched through Haiti’s capital Port-au-Prince on July 15 to mark the 56th birthday of former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The demonstration, which was called by and adhered to by two rival factions of the Lavalas Family party (FL), was considered a great display of unity by its organizers.

At 9 a.m. the crowds gathered at the gate in front of Aristide’s still gutted home in Tabarre. It was decorated with flowers and large photographs of the party’s leader, who remains in exile in South Africa over five years after the Feb. 29, 2004 coup d’état against him.

The multitude then moved, like a great river, towards the capital.

Lavalas leaders said that the demonstration was a birthday present for Aristide. “Long live the return of President Aristide!” read some of the posters in the march. ” Down with the MINUSTAH [UN Mission to Stabilize Haiti, the military occupation force]! Release of all political prisoners! Reinstatement of all fired State employees! Down with the neo-liberal plan!”

Demonstrators also bitterly denounced President René Préval for betraying their expectations that he would help return Aristide to Haiti and fight neoliberal austerity and privatization. Tens of thousands of Lavalas partisans voted for Préval in 2006, helping him win the presidency.

“Our political organization will defeat all those who are working for its demise,” declared Dr. Maryse Narcisse, one of the members of the FL’s Executive Committee at the close of the demonstration at the Place of the Constitution on the Champ de Mars, the capital’s central square.

Narcisse also criticized Préval for seeking to amend Haiti’s 1987 Constitution while at the same time violating its laws. “Lavalas remains true to its dream of a better Haiti, where all citizens can have access to education, health, housing, and employment,” she concluded. “Realization of this dream goes hand in hand with the return of President Aristide to Haiti.”

Also participating in the demonstration was the singer and activist Annette Auguste, known as So An. She was also named to the FL’s Executive Committee but presently does not sit with its other three members, Narcisse, Lionel Etienne and Jacques Mathelier. Her faction of the party has proposed some reforms which has caused controversy within the party.

“I am a dedicated Lavalassian,” So An told Haiti Liberté. ” President Aristide Lavalas is not more Lavalas than me. President Aristide might turn his back on me, but I will never turn my back on him.” She declared her full support for Aristide’s return and said that the July 15 demonstration was a living testimony to the FL’s strength, power, and vitality.

“This event is great proof that the Lavalas would have won the [April 19 and June 21] senatorial elections boycotted by the national majority,” she said. ” That is why Lavalas was excluded from those elections. The objectively manifest goal is to destroy the Lavalas.”

At the Place of the Constitution, Lavalas activists like René Civil and Lavarice Gaudin criticized the government of Préval and his prime minister Michele Pierre-Louis for pursuing policies condemned by Haiti’s masses. They demanded the immediate and unconditional return of Aristide to Haiti.

Meanwhile, the Lavalas base organizations which made July 15 a success have called another major mobilization for Tuesday, July 28, the 94th anniversary of the first U.S. Marine occupation of Haiti in 1915.

The popular organizations have planned the demonstrations with some of Haiti’s student organizers, marking the first time that the demands of the Lavalas mass movement and those of the student protests, which have raged at the State University in recent months, will be united.

The demands for July 28th are: 1) MINUSTAH’s departure; 2) Aristide’s return; 3) Apply the Parliament’s vote for a 200 gourde a day [$5.05] minimum wage; 4) Reform at the State University; 5) Justice for Roudy, the man shot dead by MINUSTAH soldiers at the Port-au-Prince Cathedral on June 18; 6) Liberation of all political prisoners, above all Ronald Dauphin; 7) Down with the neoliberal plan.

Among the groups calling the July 28 demonstration are the Cité Soleil Action Coalition of the Lavalas Family Base (ABA SATAN), the Assembly of Organizations for Change (ROC), the Network of Multiplying National Organs of the Lavalas Family (RONMFL), the Network of Organizations of the West Zone (ROZO), the National Organization for the Equitable Protection of the Rights of Women and Children (ONAPROEDEF), Alternative for Haiti’s National Liberation(ALEH), the Force of Principled Organizations for a National Alternative (FOKAN), Movement to Bury Repression (MARE), Group of Popular Initiative, the student group KOMAP/FRAE, and the International Support Haiti Network (ISHN).

“L’union fait la force” (Unity makes strength) says the motto on Haiti’s flag. Organizers of the July 28 march hope that the merging of the Lavalas mass movement with the anti-imperialist student movement will lift Haiti’s struggle for justice, democracy and sovereignty to a new level.

By: Kim Ives – Haiti Liberte

After years of campaigns cajoling them to do so, three international banks announced on June 30 that were annulling what Haiti owes them, thereby cancelling 63% of Haiti’s $1.9 billion debt.

The World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) are forgiving about $690 million of loans. The Interamerican Development Bank (IDB), Haiti’s biggest creditor, followed suit the same day saying it would forgive another $511 million, a promise it made back in March 2007.

Haiti had been paying about $5 million a month in interest payments on its overall debt. “The debt relief will help us invest in growth and poverty reduction programs,” said Haiti’s Finance Minister Daniel Dorsainvil. “Haiti has demonstrated over the past four to five years that it can commit itself to a menu of reforms and respect this commitment.”

Much of Haiti’s debt never went to benefit Haitians. “The Haitian people are still paying for the crimes of their past leaders,” explained the Jubilee USA Network, which has petitioned for debt relief for Haiti for many years, in a July 2008 statement. “45% of the country’s current external debt was incurred by the Duvaliers, while the country’s lenders turned a blind eye to the corruption. Not only did these loans fail to benefit the Haitian people, the consequent debt service payments continue to cost the country millions of dollars that could be better spent on education and health. Meanwhile, harmful economic policies mandated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank continue to undermine the country’s ability to chart its own development path.”

The announcement of debt relief was seen by some Haitians as an effort to bolster the government of President René Préval, which is deeply unpopular and faced with a sharpening economic crisis.

WBAI HAITI PROGRAM TO ANALYZE IMMIGRATION AND DEPORTATIONS

This Thursday, July 2, from 9 – 10 p.m. on WBAI 99.5 FM and www.wbai.org on “Haiti: The Struggle Continues,” Miami-based Haitian community advocate and para-legal LUCIE TONDREAU will explain the challenges and pitfalls President Barack Obama faces as his administration works to overhaul U.S. immigration policy. Ms. Tondreau, who has been an immigrants’ rights advocate for over a quarter of a century, will also analyze what Haitian and the other immigrant communities must do to influence policy changes that will be favorable to the undocumented.

Also, JESUS LUC of Bourgeoizie Filmz will talk to us about “Lost in Haiti,” a soon-to-be completed documentary about the life of U.S.-raised Haitian deportees in Port-au-Prince.